In recent times, an alarming narrative has emerged within the Malaysian blogosphere, suggesting a historical event that appears to be a misinterpretation or perhaps a deliberate misinformation campaign. The claim revolves around a so called Malay prince named Manabharana from Srivijaya, purportedly attacking and conquering the Chola kingdom. This misleading story has gained traction and is spreading like wildfire across various social media platforms. The need to address and rectify such inaccuracies is crucial not only for the sake of historical accuracy but also for fostering a responsible and informed online community. To delve into the matter, it is essential to clarify that historical records reveal the existence of multiple individuals named Manabharana throughout history. However, a nuanced understanding reveals that all these figures were Tamils (Damila) hailing from the Pandya kingdom, with references to their exploits documented in Tamil inscriptions and Sri Lankan chronicles
Front
Note
by
Sachi
Sri
Kantha
I
have
transcribed
the
original
material
of
D.
P.
Sivaram,
without
altering
the
content’s
length.
Only
the
obvious
type-setting
slips
and
related
printer’s
devils
have
been
corrected.
Any
idiosyncratic
spelling
in
the
names
of
persons
and
places
in
the
text
also
has
been
revised
to
conventional
patterns
for
ease
in
reading.
These
alterations
are
minimal
in
number.
Phrases
which
appear
in
bold
font
in
the
text,
are
as
in
the
original.
When
clarity
is
needed,
I
have
added
words,
numbers
or
initials
within
parenthesis
marked
by
[
]
at
appropriate
locations.
Though
somewhat
unconventional
and
irregular,
I
have
retained
the
original
footnote
patterns
of
the
author
and
his
citation
style
of
references
within
parentheses,
as
it
appeared
in
the
Lanka
Guardian
in
1992.
The
assembly
of
footnotes
by
Sivaram
in
the
series
provide
indirect
evidence
that
he
wrote
the
eleven
segments,
as
and
when
time
permitted;
thus
the
series
had
not
been
‘completed’,
when
it
began
to
appear
in
print.
In
one
of
the
footnotes
for
part
2
of
the
series,
Sivaram
noted
that
"I
began
this
study
in
1990."
The
editorial
annotation
at
the
beginning
of
Part
1
stated
the
credentials
of
Sivaram
as:
"The
writer,
a
well
known
journalist,
is
widely
regarded
as
an
authority
on
the
rise
of
Tamil
militancy."
For
completeness
and
for
showing
how
the
author
defended
his
views
expressed
in
the
text
and
also
how
he
accomodated
valid
criticism,
five
critical
comments
by
readers
[M.Raja
Jogananthan,
Sachi
Sri
Kantha,
R.B.Diulweva,
C.R.A.Hoole
and
T.Vanniasingham]
are
also
inserted
in
chronological
sequence,
as
they
had
appeared
in
the
Lanka
Guardian.
Part
1:
Tamil
Militarism
–
Origins
and
Dispersion
in
South
India
and
Sri
Lanka
By
D.P.
Sivaram
[courtesy:
Lanka
Guardian,
May
1,
1992,
pp.7-8
&
11]
Introduction
Tamil
nationalism
in
South
India
and
Sri
Lanka
can
be
described
in
terms
of
two
sets
of
ideas
and
beliefs.
The
one,
the
purity
and
uniqueness
of
Tamil
language
and
culture;
the
other,
Tamil
traditions
which
exalt
military
virtues
and
ideals.
These
ideals
and
beliefs
have
dominated
the
vocabulary
of
anti-Hindi
and
secessionist
agitations
and
propaganda
of
the
Dravidian
movement
in
South
India
in
the
[19]50’s
and
[19]60’s.
The
nationalism
of
the
movement
for
Tamil
language
rights
and
regional
autonomy
in
Sri
Lanka
was
articulated
in
the
same
vocabulary
after
1956.
The
LTTE’s
nationalism
is
also
expressed
in
terms
of
these
two
sets
of
ideas
and
beliefs.
But
militarism
–
the
spirit
which
exalts
military
virtues
and
ideals
–
has
been
the
dominant
and
characterizing
component
of
the
LTTE’s
Tamil
nationalism
from
its
inception.
The
stated
aim
of
the
Tigers
is
to
build
a
modern
military
structure.(1)
The
ideology
of
militarism
plays
an
important
role
in
their
effort
to
create
an
efficient
and
advanced
military
organization.
Therefore,
in
addition
to
standard
modern
methods
of
discipline,
organization
and
training
the
LTTE
inculcates
the
belief
among
its
cadres
–
and
propagates
the
idea
among
Tamils
–
that
it
is
part
of
an
ancient
and
powerful
martial
tradition,
to
develop
and
sustain
a
motivated
and
fierce
fighting
force.
The
Tiger
symbol
is
considered
the
most
important
manifestation
of
this
tradition.
"Prabhakaran
had
a
reason
for
selecting
the
Tigers
as
the
national
insignia
of
Thamilzh
Eelam.
The
Tiger
insignia
is
an
image
rooted
in
Dravidian
civilization.
It
is
a
symbol
that
illustrates
the
martial
history
(Veera
varalaru)
and
national
upheaval
of
the
Tamils.
Our
national
flag
is
the
symbol
of
the
independent
state
of
Thamizh
Eelam
to
be
created,
rooted
in
the
martial
traditions
(Veera
marapuhal)
of
the
Tamils."(2)
How
is
the
LTTE
able
to
thus
define
its
militarism
as
being
rooted
in
"Dravidian
civilization"
and
Tamil
traditions
whereas
the
Sri
Lankan
Tamils
have
usually
projected
their
cultural
ethos
as
one
which
made
them
a
community
devoted
to
education,
government
employment,
commerce
and
agriculture?
Tamil
politicians
and
intellectuals
have
in
fact
claimed
that
Tamil
militancy
arose
from
a
perceived
threat
to
these
avenues
of
social
advancement.
The
LTTE’s
militarist
definition
of
Tamilian
identity
is
possible
because
Tamil
militarism
is
an
unexamined
but
important
feature
of
Tamil
culture
and
nationalism.
This
study
therefore
intends
to
examine
Tamil
politics
in
South
India
and
Sri
Lanka
by
addressing
to
questions,
(a)
What
is
Tamil
militarism?
(b)
What
were
the
social
and
political
conditions
of
its
genesis
and
diffusion
in
South
India
and
Sri
Lanka?
The
Dravidian
movement
has
been
studied
primarily
in
terms
of
the
Brahmin-non
Brahmin
contradiction,
in
terms
of
the
pro-British
regional
politics
of
non-Brahmin
elites
of
South
India,(3)
the
Pure
Tamil
and
Self
Respect
movements,
linguistic
nationalism
and
secessionism.(4)
But
the
other
important
component
of
Tamil
nationalism
–
its
militarism
has
not
figured
in
studies
of
the
Dravidian
movement.(5)
This
is
partly
attributable
to
the
influence
of
a
historiographic
tradition
that
has
shaped
concepts
of
Tamil
culture
and
society
in
Dravidian
studies.
It
arose
from
a
strong
political
compulsion
in
the
nascent
and
early
phases
of
the
Dravidian
ideology
to
portray
the
Tamil
people
and
their
culture
as
peaceful
and
unwarlike.
Maraimalai
Atikal,
the
father
of
the
Pure
Tamil
movement
wrote
in
English
that,
"as
we
come
to
the
study
the
life
of
the
ancient
Tamils
from
their
most
ancient
literary
work,
I
mean
the
Tolkappiyam,
the
age
of
which
on
the
best
internal
evidence
goes
back
to
1,500
B.C.,
we
see
them
already
settled
into
a
highly
civilized
community
for
the
most
part
peaceful,
but
for
a
few
infrequent
feuds
between
one
Tamil
King
and
another.
It
is
to
this
continuity
of
a
peaceful
and
highly
civilized
life
enjoyed
by
the
Tamils
that
we
owe
the
existence
of
the
Tamil
language
still
in
its
pristine
purity,
vigour
and
glory."(6)
Maraimalai
Atikal’s
views
are
representative
of
the
early
Dravidian
movement.
We
can
see
that,
the
nascent
Dravidian
school
of
Tamil
studies
–
the
concepts
and
beliefs
of
which
have
influenced
the
study
of
the
Tamil
nationalism
is
no
small
measure
–
is
marked
by
its
patent
inclination
to
present
the
history
of
the
Tamil
people
as
the
"continuity
of
a
peaceful
and
highly
civilized
life."
If
this
was
the
view
of
the
founders
of
the
Dravidian
movement,
then
where
can
one
locate
the
‘origins’
of
Tamil
militarism?
Although
South
India
in
general
and
Tamils
in
particular
have
an
insignificant
place
in
the
modern
Indian
army
–
the
Madras
regiment
being
the
only
unit
of
the
southern
region
–
the
origins
of
Tamil
militarism
is
closely
related
to
the
question
of
military
and
society
in
India.
The
preponderance
of
north
Indian
peoples
in
the
Indian
army
has
lead
to
the
study
Indian
militarism
mainly
as
part
of
the
evolution
of
society
and
politics
in
the
northern
parts
of
the
subcontinent.
The
rise
of
the
martial
castes
and
classes
of
north
India
in
the
development
of
Indian
army
has
been
skillfully
analysed
elsewhere.(7)
That
ethnic,
religious
and
caste
groups
which
consider
military
service
as
their
hereditary
or
natural
occupation
make
better
fighters
in
a
modern
army,
is
an
idea
that
has
played
an
important
role
in
the
formation
of
the
Indian
and
Pakistani
militaries.
This
idea
–
the
martial
races
theory,
which
dominated
British
recruitment
policy
toward
the
latter
part
of
the
19th
century,
is
another
orientalist
discourse
that
has
shaped
modern
perceptions
of
India’s
people’s,
the
martial
north
and
the
non-martial
south.
Thus
in
a
book
published
under
the
official
auspices
of
the
government
of
India,
recounting
the
martial
traditions
of
the
Indian
army,(8)
there
is
not
one
tradition
connected
with
a
South
Indian
caste
or
class.(9)
The
‘martial
races’
of
independent
India’
military
–
the
sikhs,
Rajputs,
Jats,
Gorkhas,
Marathas,
Punjabis,
Dogras,
Garhwalis,
Mahars
and
Kuomanisare
all
north
Indian
castes
and
classes.
Yet
we
find
that
in
the
early
history
of
the
Indian
army,
South
Indian
groups
such
as
Tamils
and
Telugus
had
distinguished
themselves
in
the
crucial
wars
which
subjugated
India
to
British
rule.(10)
There
are
two
phases
in
the
decline
of
the
South
in
the
Indian
army
and
the
shift
in
recruitment
towards
the
‘martial
races’
of
the
north
in
general
and
the
north
western
parts
of
the
subcontinent
in
particular;
-
what
Stephen
Cohen
calls
the
Punjabization
of
the
Indian
military.(11).
In
the
first
phase
the
reorganization
of
the
army
after
the
mutiny
of
1857
on
the
basis
of
recommendations
made
by
the
Peel
Commission
in
1859
and
the
Eden
Commission
in
1879
defined
service
and
recruitment
on
a
territorial
basis
to
suit
the
policy
of
divide
et
impera.
Drastic
reductions
were
made
in
the
Bengal
army.
Brahmins
and
upper
caste
Hindus
were
dropped
in
large
numbers.
Active
Service
for
Sepoys
was
limited
to
their
home
Presidencies.
And
as
there
was
no
major
internal
security
problems
in
the
Bombay
and
Madras
Presidencies,
they
became
military
backwaters.
This
was
followed
by
claims
that
the
fighting
qualities
of
the
classes
in
these
regions
had
deteriorated.
Reductions
were
recommended
and
made
in
the
Bombay
and
Madras
armies.
In
the
second
phase
the
great
threat
of
the
Russian
empire
on
the
north
western
frontier
of
the
Raj
in
1885,
followed
by
the
Burma
war
of
1887-1889
created
a
massive
need
for
manpower
"belonging
to
races
whose
martial
qualities
were
well
authenticated."(12)
As
a
result
the
territorial
basis
of
recruitment
for
divide
and
rule
was
given
up
and
castes
and
classes
mostly
from
India’s
northwest
where
the
bulk
of
the
fighting
was
done,
were
extensively
recruited.
Special
social
and
economic
privileges
were
extended
to
these
peoples
to
ensure
a
reservoir
of
martial
manpower.
"To
preserve
their
loyalty,
conserve
their
martial
spirit
and
enhance
their
prestige,
the
colonial
state
attempted
to
make
time
stand
still
on
the
northern
plains".(13)
Thus
began
the
rise
and
dominance
of
the
Rajputs,
Sikhs,
Jats,
Punjabi
muslims
and
Gorkhas
in
the
Indian
army.
The
ideology
of
this
process
–
the
martial
races
theory
–
is
another
orientalist
discourse
with
its
19th
century
‘scientific’
paraphrenalia
that
has
contributed
in
no
small
measure
to
the
evolution
of
modern
perceptions
of
India’s
peoples
and
regions.
It
sought
to
establish
why
some
Indian
peoples
(those
who
were
being
extensively
recruited)
were
martial
and
while
others
(those
who
had
been
dropped
in
large
numbers)
were
not.
Foot
Notes
(1)
‘Viduthalai
Pulihal’
(official
organ
of
the
LTTE),
April-May
1991,
editorial.
(2)
Viduthalai
Pulihal;
Article
of
the
Tiger
insignia,
p.3,
Feb-March
1991.
The
flag
with
the
Tiger
insignia
was
declared
as
the
national
flag
of
Thamil
Eelam
on
Great
Heroes
Day,
27
Nov
1990.
(3)
Baker,
C.J.
1976:
The
Politics
of
South
India
(1920-1937).
Vikas,
Delhi;
Irshick,
Eugene
F
1969:
Politics
and
social
conflicts
in
South
India,
Berkeley,
California.
(4)
Sivathamby,
K:
Politics
of
a
Literary
Style,
Social
Scientist,
No.68,
March
1978.
(5)
It
has
been
noted
in
passing
in
another
context,
"…all
actions
and
activities
(of
the
DMK)
were
presented
as
activities
of
warriors
preparing
for
battle.
The
protest
against
Hindi
became
a
battle
like
Purananooru
battles…",
C.S.Lakshmi:
‘Mother-Mother
community
and
Mother-politics
in
Tamil
Nadu’,
Economic
and
Political
Weekly,
October
20-29,
1990.
(6)
Maraimalai
Atikal:
pp.34-35,
Chintanai
Katturaikal,
English
preface
to
second
edition,
Kazhakam,
1961.
(7)
Stephen
P.Cohen:
The
Indian
Army
–
Its
Contribution
to
the
Development
of
a
Nation,
Oxford
University
Press,
New
Delhi,
1990.
revised
Indian
edition.
The
first
edition
appeared
in
1971.
"In
the
18
years
since
this
book
was
first
published
no
other
study
has
appeared
which
either
duplicates
or
replaces
it."
Introduction
to
revised
edition,
xi.
(8)
Dharm
Pal:
Traditions
of
the
Indian
Army,
Ministry
of
Information
and
Broadcasting,
Govt.of
India,
1961.
A
second
revised
edition
was
put
out
in
1979.
National
Book
Trust,
Delhi.
(9)
Twelve
"traditions
of
Gallantry"
in
the
Indian
army
are
related
in
part
one.
The
only
one
of
South
India
is
that
of
the
Madrasi
soldier,
an
amorphous
term,
for
the
Madras
regiment,
is
a
totally
mixed
one
like
the
Parachute
regiment
and
recruits
any
eligible
Indian
from
the
South.
The
other
traditions
of
gallantry
which
are
recounted
‘The
Rajput
Soldier’;
The
Sikh
soldier
etc.
refer
to
specific
ethnic
caste,
religious
or
regional
groups
of
north
India.
(10)
Madras
Infantry,
1748-1943.
Lt.Col.Edward
Gwynne
Phythian-Adams,
Madras
Govt.Press,
1943.
History
of
the
Madras
Army,
Lieut.Col.W.J.Wilson,
Madras
Govt.Press,
5
vols,
1882-89.
(11)
Stephen
P.Cohen:
op.cit,
chapter
2.
(12)
A
phrase
used
in
instructions
given
to
recruiters
in
the
Madras
Presidency.
(13)
David
Washbrook:
South
Asia,
The
World
System
and
Capitalism,
Journal
of
Asian
Studies,
49,
no.3
(August
1990),
p.480.
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