In recent times, an alarming narrative has emerged within the Malaysian blogosphere, suggesting a historical event that appears to be a misinterpretation or perhaps a deliberate misinformation campaign. The claim revolves around a so called Malay prince named Manabharana from Srivijaya, purportedly attacking and conquering the Chola kingdom. This misleading story has gained traction and is spreading like wildfire across various social media platforms. The need to address and rectify such inaccuracies is crucial not only for the sake of historical accuracy but also for fostering a responsible and informed online community. To delve into the matter, it is essential to clarify that historical records reveal the existence of multiple individuals named Manabharana throughout history. However, a nuanced understanding reveals that all these figures were Tamils (Damila) hailing from the Pandya kingdom, with references to their exploits documented in Tamil inscriptions and Sri Lankan chronicles
Part 4: Militarism and Caste in Jaffna
by
D.P.
Sivaram
[courtesy:
Lanka
Guardian,
July
1,
1992,
pp.9-10
and
14;
prepared
by
Sachi
Sri
Kantha,
for
the
electronic
record]
Tamil
secessionism
and
Tamil
militarism
are
two
sides
of
the
same
coin.
Both
are
legacies
of
the
attempt
by
the
British
to
demilitarize
Tamil
society
in
the
19th
century.
Tamil
militarism
arose
from
the
grievances
of
the
disfranchised
Tamil
military
castes.
Tamil
secession
was
the
result
of
the
political
ambitions
of
the
classes
which
were
promoted
by
the
British
to
consolidate
the
gains
of
demartialization.
Therefore
it
is
necessary
to
understand
the
colonial
strategies
which
were
aimed
at
depriving
the
traditional
power
and
status
of
the
Tamil
martial
castes
in
Tamil
society.
In
those
regions
of
India
where
military
service
was
confined
to
specific
castes,
other
castes
had
no
desire
to
abandon
their
traditional
occupations
for
soldiering
or
for
violence.
Since
the
ability
for
violence
was
caste
bound,
disfranchising
or
removing
a
region’s
military
caste
could
negate
its
potential
for
violence
and
rebellion.
The
earliest
attempt
to
thus
demilitarize
Tamil
society
was
made
by
the
Portuguese
in
Jaffna.
A
brief
examination
of
their
effort
and
its
impact
on
the
subsequent
evolution
of
society
in
Jaffna
will
help
understand
better
the
social
and
political
consequences
of
demilitarization
in
Tamilnadu
two
centuries
later
under
British
rule.
The
Maravar
were
the
traditional
soldier
caste
of
Jaffna
when
the
Portuguese
arrived.
Once
they
took
control,
they
set
about
dismantling
the
feudal
military
system
of
the
peninsula.
Military
titles
such
as
Rayer,
Athirayer
were
banned.
The
traditional
soldier
castes
were
seen
as
a
threat
to
Portuguese
control.
In
1627
Lancarote
de
Seixas,
Captain
Major
of
Jaffna,
put
forward
the
idea
that
the
peninsula’s
security
lay
in
having
none
there,
but
cultivators.
Thus
began
the
rise
of
the
Vellalas
in
Jaffna.
The
Portuguese
seem
to
have
also
favoured
another
caste
called
the
Madapalli.
The
Vellalas
were
not
only
cultivators,
but
a
section
of
them
which
had
developed
scribal
skills,
provided
the
local
officials,
interpreters
and
karnams
(accountants).
Successive
colonial
powers
found
Vellala
scribal
groups
useful
where
Brahmins
were
not
forthcoming.
Histories
of
Jaffna
were
written
and
presented
to
the
Portuguese,
which
showed
the
Vellala
and
the
Madapalli
as
the
original
and
dominant
community
of
the
peninsula.
The
Kailaya
Malai
and
the
Vaiya
Padal,
the
earliest
works
on
the
colonization
of
Jaffna,
appear
to
be
such
histories.
They
name
the
chieftains
of
Tamilnadu
who
had
brought
Tamil
colonists
to
the
peninsula
with
them.
All
of
them
are
described
as
Vellalas.
But
eleven
of
them
have
Kallar
and
Maravar
caste
titles.
The
Jaffna
Maravar
were
able
to
resume
their
caste
occupation
under
the
Dutch,
who
met
troop
shortages
through
Jaffna’s
feudal
military
system
which
the
Portuguese
had
attempted
to
dismantle.
The
Dutch
governor
and
director
of
Ceylon,
Thomas
van
Rhee
informed
his
successor
Gerrit
de
Heere
in
1697,
that
in
the
Jaffna
peninsula
"the
Marruas
are
bound
to
serve
the
Company
as
Lascoryns
(native
soldiers)
and
pay
t[w]o
Fanams
a
year
without
anything
more".
But
93
years
later,
a
Dutch
census
(1790)
of
all
males
between
the
ages
16-70
in
Jaffna
recorded
that
there
were
only
49
Maravar
males
in
the
peninsula,
as
against
1,570
Vellala
males.
This
was
due
to
a
widespread
process
in
Tamil
society
where
military
castes,
finding
their
traditional
status
gone,
simply
adopted
the
Vellala
caste
title
and
returned
themselves
as
peaceful
Vellala
cultivator,
to
the
colonial
census;
and
in
time
became
endogamous
subdivisions
of
that
caste.
In
1834,
Simon
Casie
Chitty
recorded
in
his
Ceylon
Gazetteer,
that
Kallar,
Maravar,
Ahampadiyar
and
Palli
(Vanniyar)
were
sub-divisions
of
the
Vellala
caste.
It
is
clear
that
the
Tamil
martial
castes
of
Jaffna
had
swelled
the
ranks
of
the
Vellalas
when
faced
with
unfavourable
conditions
under
colonial
rule,
as
they
later
did
under
the
British
in
Tamilnadu.
This
gave
rise
to
the
saying
in
the
peninsula,
"Kallar,
Maravar
and
Ahampadiyar
came
slowly,
slowly
and
became
Vellalas."
But,
unlike
their
counterparts
in
Tamilnad,
the
Jaffna
Vellalas
didn’t
generally
change
their
military
caste
titles.
"In
former
days
the
Vellalas
had
the
titles
of
Rayan,
Thevan,
Kizhan
and
Mazhavan."
Today,
one
of
these
military
caste
subdivisions
of
the
Jaffna
Vellala
community,
bearing
the
Kallar
caste
title
Mazhavarayar
is
a
dominant
land
owning
clan
in
the
peninsula.
The
Mazhavarayar
clan
is
also
connected
with
the
history
of
Thambiluvil
in
the
Eastern
province.
The
Mattakkalappu
Manmiyam,
a
work
which
deals
with
the
colonization
of
Batticaloa,
mentions
the
mazhavar
frequently
among
the
groups
which
peopled
the
Eastern
province.
Although
the
‘vellalization’
of
Jaffna’s
Tamil
military
castes
predates
the
same
process
in
south
India,
Vellala
cultural
hegemony
was
achieved
in
the
peninsula
only
during
the
early
decades
of
the
twentieth
century.
The
persistence
of
endogamous
subdivision
identities
was
one
reason
for
this.
The
Vellalization
of
culture
and
religion
in
the
peninsula
began
with
Arumuga
Navalar’s
attempt
to
convert
the
Jaffnese
from
their
folk
religion
which
was
dominated
by
the
heroes
and
godlings
of
the
Tamil
martial
castes.
The
martial
caste
elements
also
figures
in
narratives
related
to
the
founding
of
Valvettithurai
and
Myliddy
–
Karaiyar
caste
villages
on
the
Jaffna
coast,
which
are
key.
Whereas
the
Sri
Lankan
karava
(Karaiyar)
caste
in
general
has
claimed
kshatriya
status
–
that
they
are
descended
from
the
Kuru
dynasty
–
a
strong
narrative
is
found
among
the
Karaiyar
of
Myliddy
which
states
that
three
Marava
chieftains
who
were
brothers
came
with
their
caste-men
from
Tamilnadu,
married
among
the
karaiyar
and
founded
the
village.
Its
dominant
clan,
known
as
Thuraiyar
–
the
others
are
known
as
Panivar
–
was
connected
by
marriage
to
Ramnad,
the
home
country
of
the
Maravar,
until
recent
times.
The
martial
arts
of
Maravar
were
popular
among
the
Thuraiyar
of
Myliddy,
before
their
youth
were
introduced
to
modern
methods
of
military
training
in
the
last
decade
[i.e.,
1980s].
A
narrative
related
to
the
founding
of
Valvettithurai,
based
on
folk
etymology
states
that
the
village
arose
on
land
given
to
a
Marava
chieftain,
called
Valliathevan,
by
the
eponymous
founder
of
the
Tamil
kingdom
of
Jaffna.
But
a
strong
tradition
was
prevalent
among
the
Karaiyar
of
Valvettithurai
that
they
had
fought
the
Portuguese
as
the
soldiers
of
the
last
king
of
Jaffna,
Sankili.
This
tradition,
as
we
shall
see
later,
was
greatly
exploited
by
TULF
propagandists
to
mobilise
people
in
that
part
of
Jaffna.
The
tradition
seems
to
be
related
to
the
trade
wars
between
the
early
colonial
powers
and
the
Maravar
kings
of
Ramnad.
The
Portuguese,
Dutch
and
the
British
tried
to
wrest
control
of
the
profitable
rice
and
chank
trade
between
Burma,
Bengal
and
Ceylon
which
was
in
the
hands
of
the
Thevars
(title
of
the
Ramnad
kings)
and
their
Muslim
and
Tamil
tradesmen,
on
either
side
of
the
Palk
Strait,
among
whom
were
many
Karaiyar
schooner
proprietors
of
Valvettithurai,
Point
Pedro
and
Thondamanaru.
The
British
found
that
one
Vaithianathan
of
Jaffna
was
among
the
few
confidantes
of
the
Thevar,
who
were
looking
after
his
chank
trade
in
Calcutta.
Karaiyar
families
carried
on
with
the
rice
and
chank
trade
in
collaboration
with
Muslims,
Chetties
and
military
caste
families
on
the
south
Indian
coast
from
Ramnad
to
Tanjore,
even
after
the
British
finally
wrested
control
of
it
from
the
Maravar
kings
of
Ramnad.
A
large
number
of
Thandayals
(traditional
navigators
–
captains
of
ocean
going
craft)
from
Valvettithurai,
Point
Pedro
were
employed
in
the
Thevar’s
domain
of
sea
trade.
This
became
the
basis
of
a
vast
‘smuggling
network’
between
south
India,
Sri
Lanka
and
southeast
Asia,
after
independence
in1948.
The
powerful
Vandayar
family
(Maravar)
of
Tanjore
maintained
very
close
relations
with
a
leading
business
house
of
Valvettithurai
until
1983.
Sometimes
such
connections
between
the
coastal
military
castes
of
south
Tamilnadu
and
the
Karaiyar
of
Jaffna
were
cemented
through
marriage.
Although
Jaffna
Tamil
society
was
the
earliest
to
have
been
de-martialized,
and
was
the
only
part
of
the
south
Indian
Tamil
region
where
traditional
Tamil
military
castes
were
completely
subsumed
by
Vellala
identity,
it
has
become
the
ground
in
which
the
most
fierce
manifestation
of
Tamil
militarism
has
taken
root
in
modern
times.
How
was
this
possible?
Three
reasons
can
be
identified.
(A)
The
pro-colonial
politics
of
the
Jaffna
Vellala
was
not
formulated
as
an
attitude
against
traditional
militarisms
because
the
Tamil
military
castes
having
assumed
the
Vellala
identity
early,
were
not
present
as
a
social
threat
in
the
peninsula
to
the
consolidation
of
colonial
authority,
after
the
Portuguese
period.
Furthermore,
the
nature
of
the
Vellala
caste
composition
in
Jaffna
was
in
itself
not
amenable
to
the
scribal-agrarian
conservatism
of
the
pure
Vellala
elites,
which
the
British
found
useful
in
Tamilnadu.
The
pseudo-Vellala
component
of
Jaffna
was
large.
A
fundamental
distinction
between
the
Vellala
elite
of
Tamilnad
and
Jaffna
would
illustrate
the
point.
Arumuga
Navalar
campaigned
against
the
activities
of
Christian
missionaries
and
his
efforts
received
support
from
Ponnuchami
Thevar,
the
chief
Marava
noble
of
Ramnad.
In
former
days,
the
Maravar
had
opposed
the
spread
of
Christianity,
by
massacaring
missionaries.
On
the
other
hand,
in
Tamilnad,
an
ideologue
of
Vellala
elitism
–
J.M.Nallasami
Pillai,
who
like
Navalar
worked
for
the
propagation
of
saiva
siddhanthism
among
the
Tamils,
was
closely
associated
with
and
supported
by
Anglican
missionaries
in
his
efforts.
As
we
shall
see
later,
while
Nallasami
Pillai
carefully
and
deliberately
played
down
the
martial
component
of
Tamil
culture
and
history,
attempting
to
establish
that
Tamil
civilization
was
constituted
by
the
peace-loving
Vellalas,
his
counterpart
in
Jaffna,
Mootootambi
Pillai
lamented
the
decline
of
the
peninsula’s
martial
heritage.
He
wrote
in
1912,
"When
Sankili
–
the
last
king
of
Jaffna
–
fought
the
Portuguese,
most
of
his
soldiers
were
warriors
of
Jaffna.
Even
the
Portuguese
have
praised
their
valour.
The
victory
of
the
Portuguese
was
not
gained
through
their
bravery,
but
through
Kaakai
Vanniyan’s
treachery.
Wasn’t
it
the
warrior
of
Jaffna
who
conquered
the
whole
of
Ceylon?
The
people
(of
Jaffna)
who
are
descended
of
those
warriors
have
lost
their
martial
traits
and
become
a
despicable
race,
having
been
subjugated
long
under
the
Portuguese
and
the
Dutch
and
as
a
result
having
become
weak
and
losing
their
self-identity."
Mootootambi
Pillai
was
reflecting
a
sentiment
that
had
been
expressed
in
the
Madurai
Tamil
Sangam
–
established
by
the
Marava
noble,
Pandithurai
Thevar
(the
son
of
the
noble
who
had
earlier
helped
Navalar)
that
the
decline
of
the
Tamil
nation
was
caused
by
the
deterioration
of
its
ancient
and
unique
martial
heritage.
(B)
The
closure
of
the
avenues
by
which
Vellala
upward
mobility
and
conservatism
under
successive
Sinhala
governments
in
Sri
Lanka.
The
colonial
powers
opened
these
avenues
to
promote
the
class
and
culture
of
Vellala
conservatism
as
a
bulwark
and
gurantee
against
the
turbulence
of
Tamil
feudal
militarism.
The
restrictions
placed
on
university
admissions
and
on
government
jobs
seriously
undermined
the
class
and
culture
of
Vellala
conservatism
and
its
politics
of
non-violence
and
compromise.
The
other
narrative
that
was
contending
at
this
juncture,
for
Tamilian
identity
–
Tamil
militarism
–
began
to
assert
itself
as
the
bulwark
built
by
colonial
powers
against
it
crumbled.
(C)
Non-Vellala
pockets
in
the
peninsula
where
the
values
of
Vellala
conservatism
had
made
little
impact.
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